Parliamentary System in India: Executive Responsibility, Separation of Powers & Constitutional Government for UPSC
UPSC Planner Law & Polity Editorial Team
Summary
Complete UPSC guide to the Parliamentary System in India: Executive-Legislative relations, collective responsibility under Article 75(3), parliamentary vs presidential models, India vs UK Westminster differences, and landmark Supreme Court rulings.
The Constitution of India establishes a Parliamentary form of government both at the Centre (Articles 74 and 75) and in the States (Articles 163 and 164). Inspired by the British Westminster model, the framers consciously preferred a system that prioritized continuous accountability over executive stability, designing an executive that is drawn directly from the legislature and remains answerable to it.
Unlike a presidential system based on a rigid separation of powers, the Indian parliamentary system operates on the principle of coordination, cooperation, and functional fusion between the legislative and executive organs, tempered by an independent judiciary, written constitutional supremacy, and the Basic Structure Doctrine.
Quick Takeaways
- Symmetrical Union and State Structure: Parliamentary governance operates symmetrically at the Union level under Articles 74 and 75, and at the State level under Articles 163 and 164.
- Constitutional Head vs Political Head: The President (Article 53) and Governors (Article 154) are formal, constitutional heads (de jure). Real executive power (de facto) is exercised by the Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister or Chief Minister.
- Strict Locus of Collective Responsibility: Under Article 75(3), the Union Council of Ministers is collectively responsible exclusively to the Lok Sabha (House of the People), not to the Rajya Sabha or Parliament as a whole.
- Ministerial Tenure and Presidential Pleasure: Under Article 75(2), ministers hold office during the pleasure of the President, which is exercised strictly on the binding advice of the Prime Minister.
- Conduct of Business and Attribution: Under Articles 77 and 166, all executive actions are formally expressed in the name of the President or Governor, but substantive decisions are executed under cabinet Rules of Business.
- Flexible Separation of Powers: As held in Ram Jawaya Kapur (1955) and Shamsher Singh (1974), the Indian Constitution rejects a rigid, watertight separation of powers in favor of checks and balances.
High-Yield Exam Facts
- Core Constitutional Articles:
- Article 74(1): Mandatory Council of Ministers with Prime Minister to aid and advise the President.
- Article 75(1): Appointment of Prime Minister by President; other ministers appointed on Prime Minister's advice.
- Article 75(2): Ministerial tenure during the pleasure of the President (exercised on Prime Minister's advice).
- Article 75(3): Collective responsibility of Council of Ministers exclusively to the Lok Sabha.
- Article 75(5): Non-legislator minister must secure seat in either House within six consecutive months.
- Article 77: Conduct of business of the Government of India and allocation of portfolios.
- Articles 163, 164, 166: Symmetrical provisions for State Executives and Councils of Ministers.
- Supreme Court Jurisprudential Milestones:
- Ram Jawaya Kapur v. State of Punjab (1955, 5-Judge Bench): Rejection of rigid separation of powers; executive power is not limited to mere statute enforcement.
- Shamsher Singh v. State of Punjab (1974, 7-Judge Bench): President and Governor are constitutional heads acting strictly on aid and advice under cabinet Rules of Business.
- U.N.R. Rao v. Indira Gandhi (1971, 5-Judge Bench): Article 74(1) is mandatory; Council of Ministers continues even after Lok Sabha dissolution.
- S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994, 9-Judge Bench): Democracy, federalism, and responsible government are essential parts of the Basic Structure.
- S.R. Chaudhuri v. State of Punjab (2001, 3-Judge Bench): A non-legislator who fails to get elected within six months cannot be reappointed without election.
Quick Facts Matrix: Parliamentary System in India
| Constitutional Dimension | Union Level Provisions | State Level Provisions | Core Analytical Nuance for UPSC |
|---|---|---|---|
| Constitutional Architecture | Part V (Articles 52 to 78) | Part VI (Articles 153 to 167) | Symmetrical cabinet framework operating at both levels of government. |
| Nominal Executive (De Jure) | President of India (Article 53) | Governor (Article 154) | Constitutional Head; acts on binding aid and advice under Articles 74(1) and 163(1). |
| Real Executive (De Facto) | Prime Minister with Council of Ministers | Chief Minister with Council of Ministers | Political head of government exercising real executive and administrative power. |
| Locus of Accountability | Lok Sabha (House of the People) | Vidhan Sabha (Legislative Assembly) | Ministers are collectively accountable exclusively to the directly elected Lower House. |
| Collective Responsibility | Article 75(3) | Article 164(2) | Ministry must resign or seek dissolution upon loss of confidence in the Lower House. |
| Ministerial Tenure | Pleasure of President (Article 75(2)) | Pleasure of Governor (Article 164(1)) | Pleasure is governed by Prime Ministerial advice, controlling ministerial portfolio tenure. |
| Conduct of Business | Article 77 | Article 166 | Formal attribution of executive orders to Head of State under cabinet Rules of Business. |
| Non-Member Minister Window | 6 Consecutive Months (Article 75(5)) | 6 Consecutive Months (Article 164(4)) | Non-member must secure seat in either House within six months or vacate office. |
| Separation of Powers Model | Functional overlapping with checks | Functional overlapping with checks | Rejection of watertight separation; executive-legislative collaboration under judicial review. |
Constitutional Architecture: Dual Executive and Cabinet Governance
The Indian parliamentary system functions through four foundational constitutional pillars that define the relationship between the Head of State, the political executive, and the legislature.
Dual Executive: Nominal vs Real Head
The Indian Constitution establishes a clear distinction between the formal constitutional head and the political executive:
🏛️ The Dual Executive Framework:
🔹 The Nominal Executive (De Jure Head):
- The President of India (Article 52) is the formal Head of State and the executive power of the Union is formally vested in the President under Article 53(1).
- Similarly, the Governor is the formal executive head of the State under Article 154(1).
- Under Article 74(1), the President must exercise all constitutional functions on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister. Following the 42nd Amendment Act (1976) and the 44th Amendment Act (1978), this advice is binding, subject only to the President's power to return it once for reconsideration.
🔹 The Real Executive (De Facto Head):
- The Prime Minister is the Head of Government and leader of the Council of Ministers.
- The actual substance of executive administration, policy formulation, and legislative initiation is driven by the Prime Minister and the Cabinet.
Conduct of Government Business and Attribution (Articles 77 and 166)
The day-to-day functioning of the parliamentary executive is governed by procedural rules of business:
- Executive Orders in the Name of the President (Article 77(1)): All executive action of the Government of India is formally expressed to be taken in the name of the President. At the State level, Article 166(1) similarly requires orders to be expressed in the name of the Governor.
- Authentication and Immunity (Article 77(2)): Orders and instruments executed in the name of the President and authenticated under prescribed rules cannot be called in question in any court on the ground that they are not the act of the President.
- Allocation of Business (Article 77(3)): The President makes rules for the more convenient transaction of the business of the Government of India, and for the allocation among ministers of the said business.
- Judicial Clarification in Shamsher Singh (1974): The 7-judge Constitution Bench held that decisions made by individual ministers or civil servants under the Rules of Business are in law the decisions of the President or Governor. The constitutional head is not required to personally review or decide every executive file.
Collective Responsibility and Ministerial Tenure
The relationship between the executive and the legislature centers on collective responsibility and ministerial tenure.
The Bedrock of Cabinet Government: Article 75(3)
Collective responsibility constitutes the very foundation of parliamentary democracy:
- Collective Accountability Exclusively to the Lower House: Under Article 75(3), the Council of Ministers is collectively responsible to the Lok Sabha (House of the People), not to Parliament as a whole. It is not responsible to the Rajya Sabha, although Rajya Sabha members can serve as ministers.
- Cabinet Solidarity: The Council of Ministers functions as a single collective unit. All ministers are jointly bound by every Cabinet decision taken, irrespective of whether they supported it inside the Cabinet room or were absent during discussions. If a minister fundamentally disagrees with a Cabinet policy, their only constitutional option is to resign.
- Standing and Falling Together: If the Lok Sabha passes a No-Confidence Motion, defeats the government on a Money Bill, or rejects a critical vote of confidence, the entire Council of Ministers must tender its resignation to the President. Ministers who are members of the Rajya Sabha must also resign.
- Historical Precedents of Resignation over Cabinet Disagreement:
- Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (1951): Resigned as Law Minister due to policy differences regarding the Hindu Code Bill.
- C.D. Deshmukh (1956): Resigned as Finance Minister due to disagreement over the reorganization of Bombay State.
- Arif Mohammad Khan (1986): Resigned as Union Minister due to disagreement with the Cabinet's policy on the Shah Bano legislation.
Ministerial Tenure under Article 75(2) and the Doctrine of Pleasure
A clear constitutional distinction exists between collective responsibility and ministerial tenure:
- Textual Precision of Article 75(2): The Constitution does not use the term "individual responsibility." Article 75(2) textually provides that ministers hold office during the pleasure of the President.
- Prime Ministerial Control over Tenure: The pleasure of the President under Article 75(2) is not personal discretion. Under parliamentary conventions confirmed in Shamsher Singh (1974), this pleasure is exercised strictly on the binding advice of the Prime Minister.
- Mechanism of Political Discipline: If a minister loses the confidence of the Prime Minister, acts in defiance of cabinet solidarity, or fails administratively, the Prime Minister can demand their resignation or advise the President to dismiss them under Article 75(2).
Legislative Membership and the Six-Month Window
Unlike the presidential model where executive officers are barred from the legislature, the parliamentary model mandates legislative integration:
- Mandatory Membership Rule: Every minister must be a member of either the Lok Sabha or the Rajya Sabha at the Union level, or the Legislative Assembly or Legislative Council at the State level.
- Six-Month Grace Period (Article 75(5) and Article 164(4)): A person who is not a member of either House can be appointed as Prime Minister, Chief Minister, or minister. However, they must obtain membership in either House of Parliament within six consecutive months from the date of appointment, failing which they cease to be a minister.
- Judicial Confirmation (S.P. Anand v. H.D. Deve Gowda, 1996): The Supreme Court confirmed that a non-member of Parliament can be appointed as Prime Minister under Article 75(5), provided they secure membership in either House within six months.
- Consecutive Reappointment Prohibition (S.R. Chaudhuri v. State of Punjab, 2001): The Supreme Court held that a non-legislator who fails to get elected within six months cannot be repeatedly reappointed as a minister without election, as this would subvert the democratic mandate of Article 164(4).
Separation of Powers: Indian Functional Overlapping vs US Rigid Separation
The doctrine of Separation of Powers, formulated by Montesquieu, advocates dividing governmental authority into three distinct branches: Legislature, Executive, and Judiciary.
Rejection of Rigid Separation
Unlike the United States Constitution, which strictly demarcates powers under Articles I, II, and III, the Indian Constitution rejects a rigid, watertight separation of powers. Instead, it adopts a system of functional overlapping with institutional checks and balances:
- Article 50 (Directive Principles): Directs the State to separate the judiciary from the executive in the public services of the State, securing the independence of judicial magistracy from district executive officers.
- Executive Embedded in Legislature: Ministers must be members of Parliament, participate in legislative debates, and initiate government bills.
- Delegated Legislation: The Executive exercises substantial subordinate law-making power through rules, regulations, and statutory orders.
- Ordinance-Making Power: Under Article 123 (President) and Article 213 (Governor), the executive exercises legislative authority when Parliament or State Assemblies are in recess.
Landmark Supreme Court Jurisprudence
| Landmark Case | Bench Strength | Core Constitutional Holding & Ratio |
|---|---|---|
| Ram Jawaya Kapur v. State of Punjab (1955) | 5-Judge Constitution Bench | The Indian Constitution does not recognize a rigid, watertight separation of powers. Executive power comprises both policy formulation and its execution; it is not confined to merely executing statutes already passed by the legislature. The executive can act administratively without prior enabling legislation, provided it does not infringe fundamental rights or violate existing laws. |
| Shamsher Singh v. State of Punjab (1974) | 7-Judge Constitution Bench | The President and Governor are constitutional heads who must act strictly on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers in all matters where executive functions are exercised. Personal satisfaction of the President or Governor is not required; the satisfaction required is the collective satisfaction of the Cabinet under the Rules of Business. |
| U.N.R. Rao v. Indira Gandhi (1971) | 5-Judge Constitution Bench | Article 74(1) is mandatory. The President cannot exercise executive powers without the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers. Upon the dissolution of the Lok Sabha, the Council of Ministers does not cease to exist; it continues in office until a successor government is formed. |
| Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973) | 13-Judge Bench | Separation of powers between the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary constitutes a core pillar of the Basic Structure of the Indian Constitution, precluding any constitutional amendment that destroys institutional checks and balances. |
| S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994) | 9-Judge Constitution Bench | Affirmed that democracy, federalism, and responsible parliamentary government are essential features of the Basic Structure. Executive accountability to the legislature must be safeguarded against arbitrary use of Article 356. |
Parliamentary vs Presidential System: Accountability vs Stability
During Constituent Assembly debates, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar articulated why India chose the parliamentary system:
🗣️ Dr. B.R. Ambedkar on Accountability vs Stability (CAD Vol. VII): "A democratic executive must satisfy two conditions: it must be a stable executive and it must be an accountable executive. The American and the Swiss systems give more stability but less responsibility. The British system on the other hand gives more responsibility but less stability. The Draft Constitution in recommending the parliamentary system has preferred more responsibility to more stability."
| Feature / Dimension | Parliamentary System (India, UK, Canada) | Presidential System (United States) | Core Analytical Nuance for UPSC |
|---|---|---|---|
| Executive Headship | Dual Executive: Nominal head (President or Monarch) and Real head (Prime Minister). | Single Executive: President is both Head of State and Head of Government. | Indian President acts on aid and advice; US President wields undivided real power. |
| Executive-Legislative Nexus | Fusion of Powers: Ministers are drawn directly from the legislature and sit in it. | Separation of Powers: President and Cabinet secretaries cannot be members of Congress. | In India, executive power is embedded within the legislative branch. |
| Accountability Locus | Continuous & Direct: Executive is answerable to Lower House through Question Hour, debates, and motions. | Periodic Only: Executive is independent of Congress; not accountable for day-to-day policy. | No Question Hour or No-Confidence Motions exist against the US President in Congress. |
| Tenure Security | Not Fixed: Government survives only as long as it retains majority in Lower House. | Fixed 4-Year Term: Congress cannot remove President except through rigorous impeachment. | Indian Prime Minister can advise premature dissolution of Lok Sabha. |
| Dissolution of Legislature | Permissible: Lower House can be dissolved by President on advice of the Prime Minister. | Not Permissible: President cannot dissolve Congress under any circumstances. | Provides the Prime Minister with a powerful lever of legislative discipline. |
| Cabinet Appointment | Legislators Only: Ministers chosen from elected or nominated members of Parliament. | Non-Legislators: President selects private citizens, experts, or technocrats. | US Cabinet secretaries are solely answerable to the President, not to Congress. |
| Risk of Executive Dominance | Cabinet Government: Collective decision-making body; checked by parliamentary scrutiny. | Concentrated Authority: President wields individual veto and direct command over executive branch. | In India, executive dominance can emerge during single-party brute majorities. |
Indian Parliamentary Model vs British Westminster System
While the Indian parliamentary framework is modeled on the British Westminster system, the framers introduced key structural departures to reflect Indian republicanism, federal diversity, and written constitutionalism:
⚖️ Five Fundamental Departures from the Westminster System:
🔹 1. Republican Head of State vs Hereditary Monarchy:
- In the UK, the Head of State is a hereditary monarch.
- In India, the Head of State is an elected President, chosen indirectly by an electoral college representing the federal nation (elected members of Parliament and State Legislative Assemblies under Articles 54 and 55).
🔹 2. Constitutional Supremacy vs Parliamentary Sovereignty:
- In the UK, Parliament is legally sovereign and omnipotent (Dicey's Doctrine). No written constitution limits its powers, and courts cannot invalidate primary Acts of Parliament.
- In India, the Constitution is Supreme. Parliament is a creature of the Constitution; its legislative authority is limited by the written distribution of powers (Seventh Schedule), Fundamental Rights (Part III), and the judicially enforced Basic Structure Doctrine.
🔹 3. Prime Minister's Legislative Chamber:
- In modern UK constitutional practice, the Prime Minister sits in the House of Commons and commands its confidence.
- In India, the Prime Minister can belong to either House of Parliament. Several Indian Prime Ministers served while sitting in the Rajya Sabha: Indira Gandhi (1966), H.D. Deve Gowda (1996), and Dr. Manmohan Singh (2004 to 2014).
🔹 4. Legal Responsibility and Countersignature:
- In the UK, the principle of legal responsibility applies: every official act of the Crown must be countersigned by a minister, who is legally answerable in a court of law for that act (The King can do no wrong).
- In India, ministers have no legal responsibility for the official acts of the President. No ministerial countersignature is required by law, and under Article 74(2), the advice tendered by ministers to the President cannot be inquired into by any court.
🔹 5. Absence of Institutional Shadow Cabinet:
- The UK operates a formal, state-recognized Shadow Cabinet formed by the Official Opposition to scrutinize policy and prepare as an alternative government-in-waiting.
- India has no institutionalized Shadow Cabinet system; legislative scrutiny is exercised through Parliamentary Committees, the Leader of Opposition, and floor debates.
High-Yield Prelims Elimination Traps
⚠️ Trap 1: Misunderstanding the Locus of Collective Responsibility
- Incorrect Statement: "The Council of Ministers is collectively responsible to the Parliament of India."
- Correct Constitutional Law: Under Article 75(3), the Council of Ministers is collectively responsible exclusively to the Lok Sabha (House of the People), not to the Rajya Sabha or Parliament as a whole. A No-Confidence Motion can only be introduced and voted upon in the Lok Sabha.
⚠️ Trap 2: Absolute Rules on Prime Ministerial House Membership
- Incorrect Statement: "The Prime Minister of India must be an elected member of the Lok Sabha."
- Correct Constitutional Law: The Prime Minister can be a member of either House of Parliament (Lok Sabha or Rajya Sabha). Indira Gandhi (1966), H.D. Deve Gowda (1996), and Dr. Manmohan Singh (2004, 2009) were Rajya Sabha members when serving as Prime Minister.
⚠️ Trap 3: Equating Article 75(2) Pleasure with Personal Presidential Discretion
- Incorrect Statement: "The President can dismiss any Union Minister at their sole personal discretion under Article 75(2)."
- Correct Constitutional Law: Under parliamentary conventions reinforced by Shamsher Singh (1974), the President exercises the pleasure to dismiss an individual minister only on the advice of the Prime Minister. The President cannot dismiss an individual minister whom the Prime Minister wishes to retain.
⚠️ Trap 4: Assuming Parliamentary Sovereignty Exists in India
- Incorrect Statement: "Like the British Parliament, the Indian Parliament is a sovereign law-making body."
- Correct Constitutional Law: The Indian Parliament is not a sovereign body. Its powers are legally circumscribed by a written Constitution, federal boundaries, enforceable fundamental rights under judicial review, and the Basic Structure Doctrine.
⚠️ Trap 5: Believing the President Rules Directly After Lok Sabha Dissolution
- Incorrect Statement: "When the Lok Sabha is dissolved, the President exercises executive power directly without a Council of Ministers."
- Correct Constitutional Law: In U.N.R. Rao v. Indira Gandhi (1971), the Supreme Court ruled that Article 74(1) is mandatory. The Council of Ministers must always exist to advise the President, even after the dissolution of the Lower House.
Mains Analytical Dimensions: Institutional Balance and Modern Challenges
In UPSC Mains GS Paper II, questions frequently test the practical evolution and contemporary challenges of the parliamentary model:
1. Executive Aggrandizement vs Legislative Oversight
- Reduced Sitting Days: The Parliament of India sat for an average of 120 days a year in the 1950s; in recent years, annual sittings have dropped to between 55 and 65 days.
- Bypassing Parliamentary Committees: The proportion of bills referred to Departmentally Related Standing Committees (DRSCs) has declined from over 60% in the 14th Lok Sabha to under 25% in recent sessions.
- Ordinance Recourse: Frequent recourse to Article 123 has been scrutinized by the Supreme Court (D.C. Wadhwa 1987, Krishna Kumar Singh 2017), which ruled that repeated re-promulgation of ordinances without legislative ratification is a fraud on the Constitution.
2. Impact of the Anti-Defection Law (Tenth Schedule)
- Enacted by the 52nd Amendment Act (1985) to curb political opportunism, the strict application of party whips on all legislative votes has curtailed individual legislators' freedom of speech and conscience under Article 105.
- The executive effectively commands automatic legislative approval, shifting the institutional dynamic from legislative control over the executive to executive dominance over the legislature.
3. Coalition Governments vs Single-Party Majorities
- Coalition Era (1989 to 2014): Strengthened federal representation, enforced inter-ministerial consensus, and enhanced parliamentary oversight, but occasionally resulted in policy hesitation.
- Single-Party Majority Era (Post-2014): Restored decisiveness and policy speed, but underscored the necessity of robust parliamentary scrutiny, active committee review, and protected opposition floor rights.
Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)
What is meant by the parliamentary system of government?
A parliamentary system is a form of democratic governance where the executive branch derives its democratic legitimacy from and is directly accountable to the legislature. The executive and legislative organs are interlinked, with ministers drawn from the legislature and answerable to it.
Why did India choose a parliamentary system over a presidential system?
The Constituent Assembly chose the parliamentary system primarily because of: (1) historical familiarity with British institutions under the Government of India Acts of 1919 and 1935, (2) preference for continuous daily accountability over executive stability (as emphasized by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar), (3) need to prevent executive-legislative deadlocks, and (4) the capacity to accommodate India's linguistic, regional, and social diversity within a broad-based collective Cabinet.
Can a non-member of Parliament be appointed as a Minister in India?
Yes. Under Article 75(5), a person who is not a member of either House of Parliament can be appointed as a Minister or Prime Minister. However, they must obtain membership in either the Lok Sabha or the Rajya Sabha within six consecutive months from the date of appointment, failing which they cease to be a minister.
What is the difference between collective responsibility and ministerial tenure?
Collective responsibility under Article 75(3) means the Council of Ministers is jointly accountable to the Lok Sabha for all government policies and decisions, and the whole ministry must resign if it loses majority confidence. Ministerial tenure under Article 75(2) provides that ministers hold office during the pleasure of the President, which is exercised on the binding advice of the Prime Minister for portfolio management and party discipline.
How does the Indian Parliament differ from the British Parliament in terms of sovereignty?
The British Parliament enjoys legal sovereignty with no written constitution or judicial review over primary legislation. In contrast, the Indian Parliament is bound by constitutional supremacy: its statutes must conform to the written text of the Constitution, respect the federal division of powers, protect fundamental rights, and adhere to the judicially enforced Basic Structure Doctrine.
Official Primary References
- Constitution of India, Legislative Department: Full constitutional text of Part V (Articles 52 to 78, 123) and Part VI (Articles 153 to 167, 213).
- Supreme Court Reports (SCR):
- Ram Jawaya Kapur v. State of Punjab (1955) 2 SCR 225.
- Shamsher Singh v. State of Punjab (1974) 2 SCC 831 : 1975 (1) SCR 814.
- U.N.R. Rao v. Indira Gandhi (1971) 2 SCC 63 : 1971 Supp SCR 46.
- Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973) 4 SCC 225.
- S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994) 3 SCC 1.
- S.P. Anand v. H.D. Deve Gowda (1996) 6 SCC 734.
- S.R. Chaudhuri v. State of Punjab (2001) 7 SCC 126.
- Digital Sansad (Parliament of India): Constituent Assembly Debates (CAD), Volume VII (Discussion on Parliamentary vs Presidential System).
Exam Insights
Prelims Facts
- ›The Constitution of India establishes a parliamentary system at both Union (Articles 74-75) and State levels (Articles 163-164).
- ›Article 75(3) expressly mandates that the Council of Ministers is collectively responsible to the Lok Sabha, not Parliament as a whole.
- ›Article 75(2) provides that ministers hold office during the pleasure of the President, which is exercised solely on the advice of the Prime Minister.
- ›Articles 77 and 166 provide for the conduct of government business and constitutional attribution of executive action to the President and Governor.
- ›In Shamsher Singh v. State of Punjab (1974), a 7-judge Constitution Bench held that the President and Governor must act strictly on ministerial advice.
- ›In Ram Jawaya Kapur (1955), the Supreme Court ruled that India does not follow a rigid separation of powers and executive power extends beyond executing statutes.
- ›A minister who is not a member of either House must secure membership within 6 consecutive months under Article 75(5) or vacate office.